November 2, 2007

The Logic of the Obama Plan...(Or, Why Security Guarantees Matter)

The New York Times ran a front-page article today about Obama's plan to aggressively pursue diplomacy with Iran over the nuclear issue. The approach that Obama detailed is quite logical: unconditional negotiations, better carrots, harsher punishment for non-compliance, and a reduced American presence in the Persian Gulf. This is very much the type of common sense approach that we've called for here on this blog; unfortunately, not everyone in the blogosphere had such a favorable opinion.

Ed Morrissey, a well-known conservative blogger who writes at Captain's Quarters, expressed his disapproval with the plan by suggesting that it is nothing that hasn't been tried before:

...it's hard to believe that neither Obama nor Michael Gordon or Jeff Zeleny recall that the EU-3 and the US made precisely that offer to Iran in the summer 2005 round of negotiations between the Europeans and Iran. The Bush administration even made the offer publicly in support of the European peace initiative, and even talked openly of restoring diplomatic and trade relations with Iran.

Did it work? No, it did not. Iran had more interest in pursuing nuclear weapons than in WTO membership or normalized relations -- because Iran considers itself at war with the United States. It doesn't want normal trade; Iran wants regional hegemony over the Middle East, after which it can demand trade on whatever terms it likes with the entire world.
Actually, Obama's plan is not a repeat of the 2005 proposal. Indeed, Morrissey's analysis failed to recognize one of the most important elements of the Obama plan: security guarantees. Unlike the 2005 EU3 offer, which did not include a specific non-aggression pact from Washington, Obama's approach would effectively eliminate many of the key security concerns of the Iranian regime. Dave Schuler, over at the Glittering Eye blog, sensibly argues this same point:
With all due respect to Ed Morrissey, what Sen. Obama is proposing is not a rerun of offers made in 2005. The part that caught my eye in the article in the NYT are the words “security assurance”. To the best of my knowledge that’s a dramatic departure from present U. S. policy with respect to Iran.
Schuler's right - Obama's emphasis on security guarantees would represent a significant and important change in American policy. As The Washington Post reported last year, the Bush administration has consistently refused to offer "a guarantee against attacking or undermining Iran's hard-line government in exchange for having Tehran curtail its nuclear program." Condoleezza Rice, in May of 2006, affirmed this point: "Iran is a troublemaker in the international system, a central banker of terrorism. Security assurances are not on the table."

But a non-aggression pact from Washington could actually make all the difference in the success of these negotiations. Here's why it might sway the Iranians on the question of enrichment:

First, security guarantees means energy security. Rhetoric about Iran's plentiful oil supplies is convenient for both Tehran--because it encourages faith in energy exports--and for Washington--since it suggests that the Iranian enrichment program is all about arms. But Iran still has to import energy, and there's still reason to believe claims from Qom (perhaps less so from Tehran) that Iran's nuclear program is for civilian purposes. Iran's fear of sustained conflict with the United States predates the escalated rhetoric about invading to stem nuclear research. So the idea that Iran's energy supplies could be devastated by U.S. sanctions and wartime measures may be a major driver for Iran's enrichment efforts. Ahmadinejad's nonsense aside, assuring energy security might undercut clerical support for a costly (politically and fiscally) program.

Second, security assurances, which will have to include assurances against certain sanctions, make Iran a more appealing trading partner to the rest of the world would you invest in a country on the low end of the veep's 'naughty' list?). Security assurances are likely to enhance Iran's economy, which could stem discontent with the Iranian regime. In the longer term, security assurances may mean latitude for negotiating formal diplomatic ties, and enhanced economic ties with the United States. Trade with the United States, Great Satan that it may be, would deflate Iranian dissidents who get a lot of mileage out of claiming that only regime change will bring U.S. trade and the economic boost likely to come with it (which is one reason why Iranian dissidents don't want us normalizing ties with Iran, but more on that later).

Third, and by far most importantly, is the elephant in the room: U.S. support for militant groups fighting the Iranian regime, the
Jundallah and the MEK.
There's no concrete evidence of material U.S. support for these groups, and Iran is too embarrassed by these groups' efficacy to publicize the issue. That being said, Jundallah and MEK pose a real threat to Tehran's control of the Iranian side of Sistan-Belochistan. Presuming that security assurances include cessation of U.S. support for these groups (and maybe cooperation against the MEK), they may sweeten the pot enough for Iran to acquiesce on enrichment.

(Photo Credit: Peter Wynn Thompson, NYT)

8 comments:

Dave Schuler said...

One amplification: opposing the Iranian regime isn't just a policy of the Bush Administration. It's been the policy of every U. S. administration for the last 25 years.

Either Ed Morrisey is simply mistaken in overlooking the point of security assurances or his argument is a strawman one (attacking a portion of an argument and declaring the remainder of the argument refuted as well).

There is one way in which I think I'd distinguish between my position and the one you've articulated here. I don't find the Iranian regime's claims about energy independence credible. They could get more mileage simply by updating the technology they're using for extracting oil and gas from the ground than they can with a nuclear development program.

Moreover what they're building has no credible peacetime use. You can use a 12 inch hunting knife to spread jam on your bread but that doesn't make it a credible use.

The very least that the Iranian regime is doing is attempting to convince its own people that they're developing nuclear weapons. As I've reported before, the Iranian people apparently do believe that.

mikkel said...

I was talking with a friend yesterday about how their claims for nuclear energy are logical if you look at their existing infrastructure. I'm not sure it is their plan, but they have basically been offered free power plants and fuel in exchange for not weaponizing. Considering that it will costs tens of billions for them to repair their dilapidated refineries, they could just focus almost exclusively on selling crude, go nuclear for most of their power, and import gasoline for domestic usage. It would certainly be cheaper than redoing everything in house.

David Dryer said...

Dave and Mikkel,
I'm not yet convinced that Iran's enrichment program is for peaceful or belligerent purposes. If there is good reason to think that weapons are the goal, I wonder why people arguing that point support their claims with specious ideas. For example, the President of Iran has no authority over the country's armed forces--only the clerical leadership would get a say in whether to develop a bomb and how to use it--so why all the focus on Ahmadinejad's rhetoric?

Also, you suggest that the Iranians could just update their infrastructure. I agree with Mikkel: that could cost billions of dollars (check this out: http://www.slate.com/id/2177387/) that they don't have.

With security guarantees, Iran might be more likely to accept a deal whereby they use imported nuclear fuel, and export it for recycling (they've rejected this in the past because it would make them more susceptible to U.S.-led sanctions than importing refined fuels from anti-American states does).

I think it's totally plausible that there is enough paranoia and apocalyptic self-aggrandizement in Iran's leadership that a bomb may be the real goal. But it behooves us to acknowledge evidence to the contrary in assessing policy ideas moving forward.

Matt Eckel said...

I'm not convinced that there is consensus WITHIN IRAN about exactly what the purpose of the nuclear program is. Clearly different elements of the regime desire nuclear capabilities for different reasons. I think it is reasonable to think that a large segment of the Iranian regime is desirous of nuclear weapons, or at least of the capability to manufacture them should they so choose, but it is worth noting that much of this desire probably comes from what are, from Iran's perspective, legitimate security concerns vis a vis the United States. I would imagine that large portions of the Iranian military realize that a nuclear deterrent would immunize the regime from any existential threat posed by the American military, and would increase their freedom of action in the Gulf. Explicit security guarantees from the United States would likely go a long way towards reducing the salience of this rationale.

Ed Nashton said...

It is curious how many "interested parties" in Washington will sell the US involvement in the negotiations with Iran as substantive, generous, and/or serious--nothing could be further from the truth.

As far as we know, the only thing that has been offered to Iran (from the US) is airplane parts and a pledge to not interfere in their membership to the WTO (a hollow offer given that they would be unable live up to the WTO admission standards for some time).

I was at an off-the-record meeting with an organization (which will remain unnamed) where one of the representatives claimed that the US had indeed offered security guarantees to the Iranians in 2005. When I (who had spent a great deal of time and effort trying to coordinate a fall-back strategy with members of the German government) queried this representative what he meant by "security guarantees," he answered that the US promised not to attempt to change the regime in Iran...A bald-faced lie. This representative repeated that charge at least two additional times during the meeting without anyone in the audience (relatively high-level foreign policy decision-makers) questioning him.

Bravo for pointing out this discrepancy to your audience because it certainly could have made the difference--especially when one looks back at the 2003 offer proffered by Iran.

Alas, the problem is that the cost/benefit analysis for Iran (today) certainly favors them acquiring breakout capability rather than cutting a deal with the West. While I wouldn't hesitate to offer them the guarantees along with diplomatic and economic incentives, I believe that we are too late to stop their march toward a full (and capable) nuclear fuel cycle.

Ed Nashton said...

Just something else to point out while I'm worked up about this...

Another, perhaps more important, reason why you offer security guarantees to Iran is because you can use it as leverage to lock the Europeans into a tighter sanctions regime (not that I think that will have much sway today given how far Iran has come).

If there's one thing that's going to really hurt us in all of this, it's the reality that we will further distance ourselves from our European allies on an issue that demands, or rather requires, coordination. While the likelihood of failure on this issue was always rather high, best to fail together than to fail separately...or in the words of Benjamin Franklin, "We must all hang together, or assuredly we shall all hang separately."

If we are to work together proactively to reduce the threat of terrorism, we cannot get tied up in issues like this. Moreover, a failure to coordinate on Iran will inevitably have repercussions for NATO and our efforts to contain and battle al Qaeda and the Taliban in Afghanistan.

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